This Speakout was written by the Rev. Larry Ort, retired Episcopal priest

The news frequently includes stories about China’s increasing role on the international stage.

The Belt and Road Initiative launched in 2013 by President Xi Jinping originally envisioned linking East Asia and Europe. The initiative — which includes railways, highways, seaways, and pipelines — has subsequently been expanded to include Africa, Oceania, and Latin America. Thus far 147 countries encompassing two-thirds of the world’s population and 40 percent of the world’s GDP have signed on (https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/chinas-massive-belt-and-road-initiative). Meanwhile, the United States is attempting to strengthen existing alliances and, where possible, secure new alliances.

China has steadily increased its military spending by roughly 7% each year over the past five years, yet China’s defense expenditures are approximately one-third the United States’ expenditures: in FY 2023, the US spent $820 billion in comparison to China’s $290 billion. However, the methods of reporting may be somewhat dissimilar. When adjustments are made which take into consideration a number of features of the Chinese economy, Chinese expenditures may run in excess of $700 billion (https://www.newsweek.com/research-claims-true-size-china-military-budget-could-match-us-spending-1896421).

Data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) reveals the following total defense expenditures for 2022 for the top 10 spenders (in billions): United States -- $811.6; China – $298; India – $81; Saudia Arabia – $73; Russia – $72; United Kingdom – $70; Germany – $57.8; France – $57; Japan – $53.9; and South Korea – $49.6 (https://chinapower.csis.org/military-spending/). The United States and China account for 68.3% of these expenditures – slightly over two-thirds.

Now for a modest proposal: The United States and China agree to freeze the level of expenditures for the next X years (e.g., two) and commit to reducing their expenditures by Y% (e.g., 7-10) and using these funds for enhancing domestic programs aimed at increasing the common good (e.g., enhancing education, expanding affordable healthcare, reducing homelessness, etc.).

Admittedly, many would say this is idealistic, that it is fraught with problems. And it is. As SIPRI has noted,

China’s lack of transparency leads to discrepancies between official figures and outside estimates. Official figures do not account for a number of military related outlays, including some military research and development, aspects of China’s space program, defense mobilization funds, authorized sales of land or excess food produced by some units, recruitment bonuses for college students, and provincial military base operating costs.

The United Nations General Assembly encourages an annual Report on Military Expenditures (UNMILEX). Reporting is voluntary (https://www.sipri.org/publications/2022/other-publications/practical-guide-state-participation-un-report-military-expenditures). The report suffers from a lack of uniformity in reporting requirements. Ideally, the U.S. and China would standardize the reporting requirements before implementation. They could mutually celebrate the good achieved each year.

Sure, the proposal presents challenges, but so does a continuing arms race which, over time, ties up trillions of dollars in hardware we hope to never use. It is time we commit to preparing for peace as diligently as we prepare for war.